01 Berechiah ben Natronai ha-Nakdan: Mishle Shu’alim. Parabolae Vulpium. Prague: Jesuit printing office, 1661. JMP, sg. 1.399, fol. A1b-A2a. 164 HEBREW TYPOGRAPHY AT NON•JEWISH BOHEMIAN PRINTING HOUSES DURING THE 16TH AND 17TH CENTURIES Lenka Veselá T faced by printers abroad. In Germany, France and Italy, Christian Hebraica were printed primarily at printing houses that directly specialized in Hebrew printing for Jewish as well as Christian clients. The owners and co-owners of these printing houses were Christians, and only the largest of these workshops employed Jewish compositors and proofreaders. The situation in Prague was more like that in German university towns (Helmstedt, Jena, Leipzig), where printers would receive sporadic commissions from local Hebrew language professors. Unlike these cities, however, Prague had been home to an independent Jewish book printing industry since the year 1512. Thanks to royal support in the form of privileges (first granted in 1527), the Gersonites (Katz) printing press did not need to find patrons in the form of Christian owners or partners. Like similar printing houses in Lublin and Krakow, it employed strictly Jewish workers. he use of Hebrew type by non-Jewish printers is a specific feature of early modern book printing that was closely related to the emerging interest in the Hebrew language during that time. The study of the original biblical language was an important pillar of Humanism, and in particular of the Reformation, and book printing was an important medium for spreading and promoting these new ideas. Although the first Christian Hebraica were printed in Italy, the rapid spread of Protestantism soon shifted the main centre of Hebrew studies and book production to the German-speaking countries and France. During the years 1 1521–1560, German and French Burnett 2000: 14. 2 Muneles 1952; Veselá-Prudková 2003; printing houses produced an incredVoit 2006; Segert – Beránek 1967; Lieben 1927. ible 90% of all Christian Hebraica 3 This analysis includes, for the first known today.1 time ever, an analysis of the typographic material used. The books with It took Bohemian lands a relatively Hebrew type were excerpted primalong time to adopt these new inrily in these bibliographies: Knihopis; BCBT; Rukověť (vols. published beternational trends, and even later tween 1966 – 1982; hereinafter as Rukověť); Muneles 1952. the country was not an influential 4 A commonly accepted definition centre of the era’s Hebrew studies, of Christian Hebraica (Burnett 2000: 15–16, note 9) includes also translanor was it an important centre of tions of works of post-biblical Jewish production for this kind of literature. authors (without the use of Hebrew) and at the same time usually excludes All the same, several interesting all books that do not focus on Hebrew studies or with an insignificant occurworks originated in Prague and were rence of Hebrew typeface (occasional published there during the 16th and poetry, biblical commentary with Hebrew words, etc.). 17th centuries. Not only do they tell us about the local response to new impulses in the field of Hebrew studies, but they also provide new information about local publishing and printing practice and previously little-known professional relationships between Jewish and non-Jewish printers. Until recently these publications had been perceived as a marginal phenomenon by historians of Jewish book printing as well as by most historians of Bohemian book culture in general. Only in a few cases did they receive the attention they deserved.2 The objective of this paper is thus to provide a comprehensive survey and analysis of the use of Hebrew type at non-Jewish Bohemian printing houses in the early modern era.3 In particular, our analysis hopes to answer questions related to the manner in which Bohemian printers coped with the new typographic requirements. This study thus also looks at minor, sporadically printed materials, including broadsides and books involving only a minimal use of Hebrew type – printed materials that do not fit the usual definition of Christian-published Hebraica,4 whose primary interest was the transmission and reception of new schools of thought. The conditions under which Bohemian printers engaged in Hebrew book printing – or at least made use of Hebrew characters – differed in some respects from the situation 02 Johannes Fortius de Horta: Grammatica id est libellus de mystica litterarum significatione […]. Prague: Jan Kantor Had, 1570. National Library of the Czech Republic, Prague, sg. 53 B 3, fol. A2a of the Hebrew part. 165 The only publications that can be described as fully-fledged works of Hebraica are three textbooks for learning the Hebrew language (whose authors were all teachers at Prague’s university or unsuccessful candidates for this post), plus three linguistic or translated works. Hebrew type was also used to a limited extent in books that took a theoretical approach to the study of the Hebrew language. We thus encounter Hebrew quotes or phrases in the lectures of Prague’s professors of Hebrew, as well as in the code of conduct of a Latin school whose curriculum included Hebrew. As shown by other cases, however, the use of Hebrew type in this kind of literature was not a necessity.6 The 1570’s and early 1600’s saw the development of Hebrew occasional poetry, usually as part of trilingual commemorative or eulogic broadsides, collections of occasional poetry, or religiously oriented poems. The presence of Hebrew in this type of literature reflects efforts by local humanists to fulfil the era’s ideal of a “homo trilinguis”. Hebrew text in religious books written in Czech (sermons and religious exegeses) was absolutely marginal in nature and of little significance. A few Hebrew words were included here and there in order to make the publication unique, and often served merely to emphasize the book’s subject (Hebrew might 03 Petrus Metropagita: Malki Melekh Lomed Kohen Adonai. Prague: Jiří Černý of Černý Most, 1587. National Library of the Czech Republic, Prague, sg. 46 C 189, title page. be used, for instance, to print the name of a prophet that the book The number of books containing Hebrew text published was about, or the word for “widow”, whose social status at Prague’s non-Jewish printing houses was certainly not was the book’s subject) or to subtly draw attention to the too high (nine books in the 16th century and 14 books in author’s knowledge of the language of the Old Testament. the 17th century), but they are interesting in terms of con- A similar ornamental role was played by the Hebrew biblitent, subject matter and published authors. Although the cal quotes usually included as an accompanying text to the development of local Hebrew studies – and, by extension, woodcut on the reverse of the title page. Hebrew was also Christian printing of Hebrew books – was primarily the used in this way in some foreign printers’ devices, and the work of Protestant authors, even in the pre-White Moun- tetragrammaton played an ornamental role in 16th-centain period a relatively large number of Hebrew books tury book illustrations.7 5 published in Prague were written by With the exception of books written by foreigners only Cited in note 23, 30 and 46. 6 We will not find any Hebrew, for Catholic authors. Catholics were the temporarily residing in Bohemia and similarly to the locally example, in Michael Gehler’s univerexclusive authors of three academic oriented books published by university Hebraists abroad, sity disputation, which, among other things, deals with the Hebrew lanand translated works that were Prague’s Christian Hebraica were intended for the local guage as a base for all other languages, see Michael Gehler: Disputatio published in Bohemian lands durmarket. In view of the specific nature of these printed maphilosophica miscelanea […]. Prague, ing this time.5 On the other hand, terials, neither the author nor the printer could expect any Matěj Pardubský, 1613 (BCBT). 7 Bauer – Kadlec 1999: 44–52. all original locally produced Hebrew significant sales. In fact, even works of prominent foreign 8 Burnett 2000: 15. grammar books were written by Hebraists were difficult to sell: For example, nearly half non-Catholic teachers of the Hebrew language. With just of all copies of Reuchlin’s well-known Hebrew-language one exception, Protestants also dominated the field of textbook, the Rudimenta, remained unsold in the printer’s Hebrew poetry. stock four years after being published in 1506.8 166 Even at established foreign printing houses, one constant problem was a lack of skilled personnel with good language skills. Only rarely did the largest and best-known foreign printing houses employ Jewish workers. The great majority of compositors working with Hebrew type were Christians. Although none of the Prague printing houses mentioned in this text employed an expert in the setting and proofreading of Hebrew type (which makes sense considering the infrequent nature of this kind of book production in Prague), they apparently had no difficulties with typesetting or proofreading. The overwhelmingly irregular frequency of such commissions, the limited extent of Hebrew text used, and the exclusive use of a simple square typeface probably meant that the compositor merely faithfully followed the original; supervising the compositor’s work and proofreading were up to the author. It was not typical in the 16th century for the author to supervise the typesetting and do the proofreading, but it was a quite frequent phenomenon in Hebrew book printing – especially when it came to local Hebraica. Even in other countries, local Hebraists or university professors often acted as proofreaders. In fact, there is evidence that the authors of Prague’s Hebrew books lived 9 or worked in Prague or nearby durA problem with the proofreading could have arisen probably only with ing the time when their books were Petr Metropagita, Abbot of the Cartesian Monastery in Brno, who was not being published.9 allowed to leave his monastery except The first attempt at printing with Hefor the time when he had to travel to the general chapter in Olomouc. brew type was by Prague printer Jan However, the author’s foreword in the Had, who gained his first professionbook Malki melekh (1587) was dated in Prague. His removal was demanded in al experience at Friedrich Peypus’s 1590 for the violation of the stiff order discipline – which might have included workshop in Nuremberg.10 In Prague leaving the monastery. See Bukovský in 1537, he published a sermon by 1991: 477 and 521. 10 Voit 2006: 335; Bohatcová 1995: Vienna’s Bishop Johannes Faber, 77–106. 11 delivered at Prague Castle a year Johannes Faber aus Leutkirchen: Sermo [...] adversus infideleis [...]. earlier and aimed – during that era Prague: Jan Had, 1537, Hebrew typeface on fol. C2r (BCBT). VD 16 F 231 of religious turmoil – at all non-beattributes this edition to Alexander lievers, Jews included.11 In the midWeissenhorn in Augsburg. The attached computerized copy (obtained dle of the text, three inconspicuous from a defective copy) is identical to the Prague edition including the Hewords are set in a square Hebrew brew type, see www.vd16.de. Johantype identical to the one used by nes Faber studied Hebrew language at the beginning of the 16th century in Prague’s Jewish Gersonides printing Tübingen (Jaumann 2004: 257). 12 house. Although the availability of Voit 2011: 186, note 92 states that it is a xylography. The distinct agreeHebrew characters was probably not ment of the shape of the letters with the type used in the Katz printing a serious problem even at this early house (including the font size) does date (after 1520, a number of foreign not confirm this. 13 Johannes Fortius de Horta: Gramprinting houses were in possession matica id est libellus de mystica litof Hebrew types, and the Viennese terarum significatione [...]. Prague: Jan Kantor Had, 1570 (BCBT). On the printer Raphael Ho$alter used two author see Segert – Beránek 1967: 21–29. sets of Hebrew type as early as the 1560’s), it was still a relatively expensive affair. The use of just a few words and the absence of any further records of Hebrew publications from this printing house speak in favour of the theory that the types had been borrowed from the Katz workshop.12 Another, this time fully-fledged example of Christian Hebraica dates to the year 1570. Coincidentally, it was printed by the successor to the printer of the previous example, Jan Kantor Had, at whose workshop Jan Fortius, the first (though unofficial) teacher of the Hebrew language at Charles University, chose to print his Hebrew grammar 04–05 Johannes Faber of Leutkirchen: Sermo […] adversus infideleis [...]. Prague: textbook.13 Fortius’s book is unique in several respects. Jan Had, 1537. Strahov Library, Prague, sg. BC VI 115, title page and fol. C2a. 167 06 Johannes Fortius de Horta: Grammatica […]. Prague, 1570. National Library of the Czech Republic, Prague, sg. 53 B 2, fol. A1a of the Hebrew part. It is not only the first Hebrew-language textbook published in Bohemia, but it also probably originated as the result of a unique cooperative effort between printer Jan Kantor Had and his Jewish colleagues. Fortius’s Hebrew grammar consists of two independent, typographically and linguistically distinct parts. The first contains the author’s Latin and Hebrew dedication to Emperor Maximilian II and an introductory text with an exposition on Hebrew grammar. The second part includes actual Hebrew grammar, and is completely set in Hebrew type and in the “Hebrew manner”, i.e., starting from the back of the book. This highly unconventional division of the book and the skilled typesetting of its Hebrew parts has led to speculations – alternately accepted and rejected – that the book was printed at the printing house of Mordecai ben Gershom Kohen,14 which was in operation at the time. Although Jan Kantor Had was a very capable printer (for example, he was the first to use Greek type in Bohemian book printing), such an extensive use of Hebrew type without linguistically skilled personnel was practically impossible. As mentioned above, even foreign printing houses had to contend with a shortage of capable compositors and proofreaders of Hebrew texts. The dismal state of Hebrew book printing in Prague is confirmed by Fortius himself, who in the introduction to his book complains of the local Christian printers’ inability to read Hebrew, let alone to print it properly. He considered these problems to be so serious that he decided to postpone his other publishing plans until there would be more Hebrew printers in Prague. Although he spoke unflatteringly of the skills of the only local Jewish printer – whose name he diplomatically did not mention15 – a typographic comparison of Fortius’s Hebrew grammar with works produced at the Gersonites printing house provides clear evidence that the letter types used in Fortius’s grammar came from the workshop of the previously mentioned Mordecai Kohen.16 On fol. A3r, we encounter unusually shaped letters that appear in manuscript Torah scrolls (e.g. peh lefufah) that had to be specially carved from wood for Fortius’s publication. As suggested by the absence of the name of a Jewish printer in the book, it was most probably not a very equal cooperation. In my view, the Gersonites employees set the Hebrew passages using type from their own printing house, but at Had’s workshop. Among other things, the Hebrew text on the reverse of the first page of the Latin volume and the existence of similar cases abroad speak in favour of the two printing houses’ cooperation. One foreign example is the Jewish printer Hayyim Schwartz (Shahor), who printed in Augsburg using his own letter types and under his own name, but at the printing house of a Christian, Silvan Otmar.17 Despite being the first of its kind and having an original form, over the following years Fortius’s book was apparently not widely used for study purposes. Undoubtedly contributing to this lack of interest was the absence of any accompanying Latin commentary, as well as the complicated Ashkenazi pronunciation used by the author.18 Another deterring factor may have been the author’s unconventional (for that time in Bohemia) defence of Jewish sources in the introduction to his work. The shortage of printers in Prague was soon exploited by the enterprising and economically competent printer Jiří Černý of Černý Most. His printing house, established in Prague in 1571, was in high demand among authors for its ability to combine various types, musical notation, and languages (for instance, he printed in Spanish 14 Dobrovský 1782: 747; Lieben 1927: and Italian as well). Although his work 26, n. 117; Steinschneider 8670. 15 Fortius’ negative words regarding did not always meet top standards in Mordecai Kohen probably cannot be explained as a result of the period terms of typesetting, thanks to his anti-Jewish climate; he was the only flexibility and his efforts at accommoCzech Hebraist at the time who was in favour of Jewish authors and works dating even very typographically de(Segert – Beránek 1967: 27-28). 16 manding requests, Černý gained a deHebrew grammar by Fortius contains square typeface of four sizes cent reputation in Rudolfine Prague.19 (9 mm, 4 mm, 2 mm and 1,5 mm), on It is therefore only logical that he subfol. A2r appear also a letter typical for the Gersonites (and before that Sonsequently achieved a near monopoly cino) presses, i.e. “truncated” letter mem. The typesetter of the Hebrew in the printing of books containing part surprisingly did not use the soHebrew text. The only exception was called litterae prolongatae, the main means for the justification of the left a brief biblical quote set in Hebrew letends of lines in Hebrew typesetting. 17 ters used in 1575 by Jiří Jakub Dačický Künast 1997: 84; Reske 2007: 38. 18 Segert – Beránek 1967: 27. alongside a woodcut in the introduc19 Voit 2006: 187; Bohatcová – Hejnic tion to an occasional poem by Mat1981: 73–134; regarding the poor quality of Spanish text typesetting in thäus Philomath of Walkenberg.20 Černý’s printing house, see Baďurová 2002: 245–246. The type is identical to the characters 20 Matouš Philomathes z Walkemberused by Černý, and the two printing ka: Gamilion nobili viro […] Casparo Schenbergo a Schenbergk […]. Prague: houses’ cooperation in other areas Jiří Jakubův Dačický, 1575 (BCBT, indicates that Dačický borrowed the Rukověť 4, 167), Hebrew citation from Genesis, chap. 1, on fol. A1v. Hebrew type for this isolated occa21 Cooperation with Jiří Černý is men21 sion from his colleague. tioned by Voit 2006: 187. 168 had shown in his previous commissions of occasional poDuring the years 1574–1590, Černý printed a total of seven publications22 containing Hebrew type of one extent or etry. Between 1587 and 1590, he printed two works, Malki Melekh and Operis de Hebraica Veritate, written by the prior another – at, we should add, a relatively high level of typographic quality. In just one case did Černý not attain his usual of the Carthusian monastery in Brno, Petrus Metropagita. level of perfection when working with Hebrew type: In 1575, Especially noteworthy is the typographic design of the shortly after he began printing with Hebrew type, Černý former – a parallel Greek/Latin translation of the biblical did not succeed in properly aligning the vowel signs with Psalm 119, translated from Hebrew and accompanied by the Hebrew letters. Although Hebrew commissions were a linguistic commentary.29 Its graphic design is remarkable, rare when compared to the total production of his printing with the literal Greek and Latin translations printed above house, his range of Hebrew typesetting materials is astound- the original Hebrew text, perfectly aligned and framed by ing. Already his first book from 1574 was printed using two the detailed commentary. The second work is much more sets of square Hebrew type. Although in the following years modest overall, including the extent of Hebrew text. In it, he used only the larger font (4 mm), for a commission from the author summarizes contemporary views on linguistic issues related to the Hebrew text of the Old Testament.30 the year 1587 he used several fonts of 22 Cited in notes 23–30. 23 In Petrus Metropagita: Malki Melekh In the 1590’s and at the turn of the century, we might expect varying sizes (2 mm, 3 mm, 4 mm and Lomed Kohen Adonai […]. Prague: Jiří a xylographed title on the introductoan increase in the production of Hebraica since around this Černý z Černého Mostu, 1587 (BCBT) where Hebrew type is used throughry page). In addition, he continuously time the “second generation” to come into contact with out, appear new, slightly changed letmodified and added to his stock of the Hebrew language (some of whom even mastered this ter shapes and also for the first time a sign for the tetragrammaton typical 23 Hebrew type. Even more interestlanguage) began their publishing activities. Paradoxically, for Prague’s Hebrew typography. 24 Cropacius’ poem from year 1575 ing is these types’ distinct similarity however, locally printed texts from this time made less (Jiří Cropacius: Carmen ad filium Dei with the ones used by Prague’s Jewfrequent use of Hebrew type. Moreover, all four examples natum et resuscitatum […]. Prague: Jiří Černý z Černého Mostu, 1575, ish printing house, including the sofrom this era involve the use of very short Hebrew texts Hebrew type on fol. A1r and A5v–A6r, BCBT, Rukověť 1, 496) contains, called litterae prolongatae and letters whose only purpose was to increase the publication’s disamong other things, the already that were characteristic of and unique tinctiveness: For instance, one single word in Hebrew type, mentioned “truncated” letter mem. See n. 13 and 16. to Prague’s Jewish typography.24 Unintended to underscore the publication’s subject and focus, 25 Jiří Cropacius: Epikedion in obitum […] Ioannis senioris Wartensis a Warta less Černý was using typefaces cast or a popular biblical quote printed alongside the opening […]. Prague: Jiří Černý z Černého Mosdirectly from the matrices of the Gerwoodcut. For the printers, too, these isolated commissions tu, 1574, single sheet (BCBT, Rukověť, vol. 1, 496). sonites printing house, he must have 26 Jiří Cropacius: Carmen ad filium Dei ordered the production of perfect natum et resuscitatum […] (cited in note no. 24); Jiří Cropacius, Cymba copies of the letters used by this JewChristi carmine descripta […]. Praha: Jiří Černý z Černého Mostu, 1575, Heish printing house. brew type on fol. A1v a A3r-v (BCBT, Jiří Černý was the first Bohemian Rukověť, vol. 1, 496). 27 Jakub Strabo: Schola Zatecensis printer to publish humanist He[…]. Prague: Jiří Černý z Černého Mostu, 1575, Hebrew type on fol. brew-language poetry. Until 1586, A2r-v (BCBT). 28 these publications represented his Duobus amantibus […] acclamatio […]. Prague: Jiří Černý z Černého Mosonly Hebrew commissions. Hebrew tu, 1581, single sheet (BCBT, Rukověť, vol 1, 317). poems were included in antholo29 Petrus Metropagita: Malki melekh gies and broadsides published in […] (cited in n. 23). 30 Petrus Metropagita: Operis de Hea person’s honour, or in marriage braica veritate […]. Prague: Jiří Černý congratulations or religious poetry. z Černého Mostu, 1590, Hebrew type continuously (BCBT). These were usually trilingual (LatinGreek-Hebrew) in nature. Černý’s first use of Hebrew type was in 1574 in a broadside dedicated to the memory of Jan Vartovský of Varta, one of the few Bohemian experts on the Hebrew language in the first half of the 16th century.25 The author of the Hebrew verses was Teplice native Jiří Cropacius, who after completing his studies at Wittenberg University lived in Prague and published his works there. He repeatedly used Černý’s services, including for his 1575 publication of two extensive poems, which included a Hebrew version.26 That same year, another former student at Wittenberg, Jakub Strabo, commissioned Černý to publish the code of conduct for a Latin school in the town of Žatec, which included his Hebrew verses.27 Apparently the last time that Jiří Černý printed Hebrew poems was in 1581 in a trilingual broadside commemorating the marriage of Kašpar Menšík. Their author was Adam of Vinoř, a recent graduate from Prague’s Jesuit College.28 Jiří Černý later confirmed the ability to inventively com- 07 Johannes Fortius de Horta: Grammatica […]. Prague, 1570. National Library bine various types within a book’s graphic design that he of the Czech Republic, Prague, sg. 53 B 2, fol. A3a of the Hebrew part. 169 represented an exceptional departure from their usual production. In addition, all these works were religious texts of an exegetical or moralist nature printed in the Czech language. In the year 1600, Sixt Palma Močidlanský used several Hebrew words alongside a woodcut in his Písně 31 křesťanské (Christian Hymns).31 The Sixt Palma Močidlanský: Písně křesťanské […]. Prague: Sixt Palma Utraquist priest Václav Štefan also Močidlanský, 1600, Hebrew type on fol. A1v, E4r–v (Knihopis 6797). made repeated use of Hebrew type 32 Václav Štefan: Weyklad krátký na Agin his printed sermons, which he gea Proroka Božjho […]. Prague: Daniel Sedlčanský, 1606?, Hebrew type on had published by the printer DaniA3v (Knihopis 15969); Václav Štefan: el Sedlčanský.32 While his sermons Wýklad na Johele Proroka Božijho […]. Prague: Daniel Sedlčanský, 1608, from 1606 and 1608 contained just Hebrew type on A1v, H1r (Knihopis 15971); Václav Štefan: Scala Iacobaea one word or a quote in Hebrew, his […]. Prague: Daniel Sedlčanský, 1612, final edition from 1612 included nuHebrew type on fols. A1v, A6r, A6v, A8r, A9v, B8r, B12v (Knihopis 15965). merous Hebrew words (almost exclusively the names of people and towns). All the same, similar texts published in Bohemia at the time clearly preferred to use Latin transcriptions of Hebrew biblical names, as shown by the example of Martin Moller’s 1608 text on how to live a proper religious life, published in Prague by Mikuláš Pštros. A later foreign edition published in Halle (1727) does make use of Hebrew characters. Non-Jewish Hebrew book printing entered a new phase after 1611 with the development of Hebrew studies at Prague’s university. That year, Nicolaus Albert of Kamének was awarded the first official professorship of Hebrew language at the renewed theological faculty. Although he did not publish any textbooks or books on linguistics, his personality and the foreign contacts that he had built up in the past represented the first connection 08–09 Jiří Cropacius: Carmen ad filium Dei natum et resuscitatum […]. Prague: Jiří Černý of Černý Most, 1575. National Library of the Czech Republic, Prague, sg. 65 E 1925, title page and fol. [5b–6a]. 170 After 1612 he essentially held a monopoly in this area, similar to Jiří Černý’s position in the past. According to recent research, Pavel Sessius was already an established type-founder when he settled in Prague. In 1604, he had refurbished the printing equipment and materials of the prominent Wroclaw-based printer Johan Bauman, and it is worth noting that the types he supplied included a small font of square Hebrew type.37 Sessius published his first book containing Hebrew type in the year 1611 or shortly afterwards. The German orientalist Johannes Melchior Mader, who later achieved fame in Germany as the author of an Arabic grammar, used Sessius’s services to publish a congratulatory note on 33 Segert – Beránek 1967: 30–49. the coronation of Anna, the wife of 34 Mikuláš Albert z Kaménka: Oratio de Hebraeae linguae studio […]. Prague: the Holy Roman Emperor Matthias, Jiří Hanuš Landškrounský z Kronencontaining – in addition to other ori- feldu, 1611, Hebrew type on A1r, A4rv, C2r, D1r (BCBT, Rukověť, vol. 1, 64). ental languages (Syrian and Arabic) 35 Nikolaus Alberti – Gottfried – a Hebrew version as well.38 By com- Balthasar Scharff: Oratio de Hebraeae linguae studio […]. Dresden, 1734, fol. parison, another book with Hebrew D4r and further. Digital copy of this http://www.mdz-nbn-resolvpassages, published by Sessius in edition ing.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn=urn:nbn: 1616, was more humble in nature. Its de:bvb:12-bsb10571714-2 36 1999: 272-280. author was the university dean and 37 Pokorná Voit 2006: 95; Karlak 2012: 176–194. 38 Ioannes Melchior Mader: Orbis Hebraist Albert of Kamének. In his inbenedictio votiva […]. Prague: Pavel troduction to an announcement of fi- Sessius, s.a., Hebrew type on fol. nal exams, Albert included a Hebrew A4r-v (BCBT, Rukověť, vol. 3, 236). 10 Jiří Cropacius: Epikedion in obitum […] Ioannis senioris Wartensis a Warta […]. Prague: Jiří Černý of Černý Most, 1574. Strahov Library, Prague, Dobřenský´s collection of broadsides No. 219 (188). between Prague’s Hebrew studies and the rest of Europe.33 In 1611 he published his inaugural lecture with the Prague printer Jiří Hanuš Landškrounský, in which he summarized the contemporary understanding of Hebrew studies and named all the prominent European Hebraists of that time.34 Although its use of Hebrew is quite limited (there is a Hebrew quote from the Bible on the title page, and several places in the text contain short quotes or single words), we must admire the careful execution of the Hebrew typesetting, which is particularly apparent if we compare it to a later edition made in 1734 by Dresden printer Gottfried Balthasar Scharff. The re-edition faithfully copies the Hebrew passages from the original Prague edition, but Scharff’s typesetting is less elegant and contains no vowel signs.35 Jiří Hanuš and Daniel Sedlčanský probably did not typeset any other Hebrew texts. In 1611, a new Prague printer, Pavel Sessius, entered the field. Like Hanuš, he was in close contact with people from the university, from whom he received quite a number of commissions. In the years 1611–1619 he printed seven books containing Hebrew text, most of them written by Hebraists working in Prague.36 171 quote from the Mishnah (Pirke Avot 2:8) on the relationship between wisdom and institutional education.39 Another of Sessius’s customers was Albert’s student and successor, Daniel Basilius of Deutschenberg, who made use of the Hebrew language in, among other things, commemorative collections of short occasional poems published.40 One of his main publications, however, was the first volume of a concise Hebrew-language textbook called Principiorum Sanctissimae Linguae Hebraicae, which he published with Sessius in 1618.41 The very next year, Sessius printed a rival Hebrew grammar by Fabianus Natus, a teacher at the German school of Prague’s Church of St. Saviour and an unsuccessful candidate for the Hebrew professorship.42 Although the textbooks covered a similar range of topics (focusing primarily on the ability to read, letters, vowels and accents), Nato’s textbook was much more comprehensive and the first Czech-language Hebrew grammar textbook to offer an extensive Hebrew-Latin dictionary.43 Sessius’s last documented work containing Hebrew text – just a single word – was Jan Hertvicius’s ethical text on the question of widowhood.44 Pavel Sessius used several fonts of square type that differed primarily in their size. It is worth noting that the type used in his first two commissions (1611–1616) is absolutely identical to the 4 mm type previously used by both Jiří Černý and Jiří Hanuš. The types most likely came from the Gersonites printing house or 39 Mikuláš Albert z Kaménka: Decanus were a faithful copy of the type used facultatis philosophicae in Academia Pragensi […] ad examen […] invitat. there. For unknown reasons, per- […]. Prague: Pavel Sessius, 1616, Hetype on fol. A1r (BCBT, Segert haps in anticipation of the two large- brew – Beránek 1967: 46-47). 40 Honori eruditorum ac honestorum scale commissions, in 1618 Sessius viginti duorum candidatorum […]. replaced his Hebrew type with a new Prague: Pavel Sessius, 1618, Hebrew one which he then used to print Ba- type on fol. A3r (BCBT); Applausus Gratulatorius […]. Prague: Pavel Sessius, silius’s and Nato’s grammar books 1619, Hebrew type on fol. A4r (BCBT). 41 Daniel Basilius z Deutschenberka: and for a short poem by Basilius Principiorum sanctissimae linguae Hefrom 1618. It is possible that Ses- braicae pars prima […], Prague: Pavel 1618 (BCBT, Rukověť, vol. 1, sius, being a capable type-founder, Sessius, 168–173); Frimmová 1997. 42 Fabianus Natus: Fundamenta de made the new type himself. What is recta lectione linguae sanctae […]. interesting, however, is the choice of Prague: Pavel Sessius, 1619 (BCBT). a local Ashkenazic typeface. At that 43 Detailed linguistic comparison and evaluation of both rival works Segert – time one would rather expect him to Beránek 1967: 54-62. 44 Jan Hertvicius: Vdovství křesťanské copy and make use of the prevailing […]. Prague: Pavel Sessius, 1619, HeSephardic typeface that was already brew type on fol. B3v (Knihopis 2968). 11 Daniel Basilius of Deutschenberg: Principiorum sanctissimae linguae Hebraicae pars prima. Prague: Pavel Sessius, 1618. Strahov Library, Prague, sg. FK I 71 (1), fol. A1b–A2a. 172 being used by some of Prague’s Jewish printing houses. Neither these nor Sessius’s older Hebrew letters are found in any later publications, nor were they among the typographic materials used by the Jesuit printing house, which inherited part of Sessius’s print shop. In fact, based on archival sources45 and the circumstances surrounding the printing of the last Hebrew book published during the period under review, the Jesuit printing office did not own any Hebrew type until the middle of the 18th century. In 1661 the Jesuit printing office printed a Latin-Hebrew edition of the Mishle Shu’alim, prepared by the Jesuit Melchior Hanel.46 Because of the low quality of local education, Hanel had studied Hebrew in Rome under the renowned Hebraist and polyhistor Athanasius Kircher. After returning to Bohemia and with Kircher’s direct encouragement, he prepared a remarkable Hebrew-Latin edition of this work by the 13th-century Rabbi Berechiah ben Natronai ha-Nakdan, thus making this text available to the non-Jewish public for the first time.47 Berechiah’s text was an exceptional work even within its original Jewish context, having been inspired by Indian and Arabic myths and stories. It was first printed in Hebrew in 1557–1558 in Mantua.48 As Hanel confided in his foreword, the printing process had involved unexpected technical and personnel problems: a shortage of Hebrew type in Prague and the fact that none of the employees of the Jesuit printing house possessed proper expertise for this kind of work. Because he had from the beginning refused to publish his book abroad so that he could be present for the proofreading, he decided to solve the personnel issue by inviting Ludovic de Compiègne, the baptised son of the rabbi of Metz, who apparently proofread the text. It is unclear, however, who set this long and complicated text. The staff at the Jesuit printing house did 45 In the observed period Jesuit printing office used to buy only Latin, not have any experience with HeGreek and German types. It bought brew type, nor do we know whether Hebrew type including punches and moulds in 1746 from a Jesuit František it employed anyone with the requiHaselbauer, who originally acquired site language skills.49 these with the intention to publishing his own work in the Jesuit printing Although Hanel naturally does not office (Koldová 2005: 16–18). 46 say so in his foreword, as with ForBerechiah ben Natronai ha-Nakdan: Mishle Shu’alim. Parabolae Vulpium tius’s Hebrew grammar printed by […]. Prague: Jesuit printing office, 1661 (BCBT, Muneles 1952: no. 126, Jan Kantor Had (1570) nearly a hunSegert – Beránek 1967: 120–121). The dred years earlier, the extensive publication is sometimes incorrectly dated as 1652; this error originated in typographic material used for the the poor quality of printing (mistaking Mishle Shu’alim probably came from X for I in the imprint). 47 Stadhouders 2008: 293–313; Korpoa Prague’s Jewish printing house. Evva 2010; Karpeles 1909: 93–95. 48 idence includes not only the similariGoldschmidt 1921. 49 In this connection, one can think ty of the typeface, but also the ornaonly of the supervisor Zikmund Léva mental woodcut Hebrew letters (fol. of Brozánky (1584?–?) who, according to Jesuit sources, was able to print A1v), which are of Italian origin and also in Hebrew (Koldová 2005: 10, note 129). However, among the extant edihad previously appeared in Prague tions mentioned in BCBT we do not at the beginning of the century in find any book using Hebrew type on the publication of which Léva would the Schedel brothers’ editions (such have participated. Moreover, the last as the Helkat Mehokek, 1606–1607). mention of him working in the Jesuit printing office dates from 1650. Everything indicates that the book 50 The first to mention the possible originated in a similar technical participation of Jewish printers were Braunová – Polakovič 1998: 115, no. 5 manner, i.e., that the Jesuits made (a supplement to the earlier bibliouse of the typographic material from graphies of the Hebrew printing in Prague): “printer unknown, probably the Jewish printing house.50 ConsidJoseph and Judah, sons of Jacob Bak”. 51 See below, Putík, 209. ering the tense relations between the Clementinum Jesuits and Prague’s Jewish Community, which had exacerbated after the Battle of White Mountain, it is highly unlikely that this was a voluntary cooperation (or loan). However probable it may seem, we can only speculate if the book was typeset by a Jewish employee of the Bak printing house (probably the only officially functioning Jewish printing house in Prague at the time).51 12 Fabianus Natus: Fundamenta de recta lectione linguae sanctae. Prague: Pavel Sessius, 1619. National Library of the Czech Republic, Prague, sg. 53 G 7, title page. 173 Conclusion The small scale and traditional subject matter of the Hebraica published by nonJewish printing houses in Prague during the 16th and 17th centuries resulted primarily from the poor level of Hebrew studies in Prague, combined with the easy accessibility of such literature from abroad. The first evidence that Czech society had absorbed the influences of Humanism and the Reformation in relation to Hebrew studies comes from materials that were printed in the 1570’s, when Bohemian society was awakening from cultural stagnancy. However, these promising developments in the areas of Hebrew studies and, by extension, non-Jewish Hebrew printing, came to an end in 1620. With the disruption of the pre-White Mountain system of Latin schools, Hebrew was no longer taught, and many engaged Protestants left the country. The teaching of Hebrew continued in a limited manner only among religious orders, in particular the Jesuits, but the level of instruction was poor and, with the exception of Melchior Hanel, the members of the Jesuit order born in Bohemia essentially gave up any publishing activities in this area until the 18th century. During the 16th and 17th centuries, the number of commissioned publications containing Hebrew type and the extent of Hebrew text therein varied widely, but local printers nevertheless managed to adapt to this new requirement of humanist book printing. This was especially true of Jiří Černý and Pavel Sessius, who were the only printers to more frequently engage in this kind of production. Although most of the printed books containing Hebrew type were printed at a relatively good level of quality, the use of Hebrew texts in Prague does not particularly stand out when compared to international practice at the time. In one regard, however, these non-Jewish He- 52 Černý’s Hebrew type was not transbrew publications ferred to the successional printing are unique. When house of Jonata Bohutský of Hranice see Jedličková 1966: 288. selecting Hebrew typefaces, Christian printers in Prague systematically let themselves be inspired by the typographic material used by Prague’s Jewish printing house 13 Berechiah ben Natronai ha-Nakdan: Mishle Shu’alim. Parabolae Vulpium. Prague: Jesuit printing office, 1661. JMP, sg. 1.399, title page. 174 14 Berechiah ben Natronai ha-Nakdan: Mishle Shu’alim. Parabolae Vulpium. Prague: Jesuit printing office, 1661. JMP, sg. 1.399, fol. 170b–171a. operating in the nearby Prague ghetto. This “inspiration” probably took several forms. With the Mishle Shu’alim (1661 at the Jesuit printing office) and Hor-tensius’s grammar (printed in 1570 by Jan Kantor Had), it is very likely that these books were printed using the typographic material from the Jewish print shop, possibly also with the direct cooperation of employees from the Jewish printing houses. Similar occasional loans cannot be ruled out, one definite example being the very first publication containing Hebrew type, printed by Jan Had in 1537. However, the wide range of typefaces used by some printing houses – Jiří Černý in particular – testifies in favour of the other possibility that the printer might have acquired Hebrew letter types by casting them from the matrices belonging to the Jewish printing house or houses. Černý apparently sold his letter types to other interested parties, since they later appear at the printing houses of Jiří Hanuš and Pavel Sessius (before 1616).52 We also cannot rule out the possibility that Černý had new matrices (and subsequently letter types) produced on the basis of books that had been published by Prague’s Jewish printing house. This is most probably how Pavel Sessius created his new set of Hebrew letters in 1618, as evidenced by his choice of a local Ashkenazic typeface. 175